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Canadian Politics


Above: A CAPP billboard. Photo from flickr user Peterblanchard.

Across Canada, ads from the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers are appearing on billboards, bus shelters, television sets, cinema screens, and the pages of newspapers and magazines. These ads, to say the least, are bullshit: They characterize a massive campaign of misinformation and an attempt to green-wash the single most environmentally destructive project on the planet. Most of these ads use the same strategy. Reassuring messages are superimposed over images of pristine landscapes, which are often unrelated to the Tar Sands – or which are planned for mining and have not yet been transformed by developers into permanent, toxic moonscapes. Other billboards, similar to the one above, claim “Every Drop of Water Counts” or “Clean Air is Essential.” Without contrary information these ads paint CAPP as responsible and caring – but what if they were actually honest?

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Above: St. James Park from overhead during the Occupy Toronto Occupation. Image from blogto.com

In the most recent issue of Maisonneuve, Occupy Toronto insider Paul Gettlich offers an adept history of the temporary micro-society which famously fomented in St. James Park during OT’s month-long occupation. The feature, entitled “Anatomy of an Occupation,” recaptures the unique atmosphere of chaos and political exuberance that characterized life in the OT encampment, focusing in particular on the challenge of self-regulation faced by OT activists. As the encampment increasingly became home to society’s most marginal elements, including the homeless and the mentally ill, it became plagued by substance abuse and occasional fits of violence.

An excerpt:

“Occupy Wall Street had taken root in Manhattan’s Zuccotti Park a month earlier, but it quickly spread across the globe, with some one thousand tent cities flowering from Halifax to Hong Kong. Each protest site is plagued by a slew of external and internal pests. Riot cops. Infiltrators. Mass arrests. Rubber bullets. Groupthink. Infighting. Truthers. Tasers. The movement—which claims to represent 99 percent of society—has one particularly great challenge. It occupies spaces that are often already occupied: city parks where the homeless, the mentally ill and the addicted congregate. Over two hundred tents quickly pockmark St. James Park, and both groups—protesters and drifters alike—must learn to coexist. In a city where Mayor Rob Ford was elected, a year earlier, on a platform of privatizing social services, a petri dish of dystopia evolves at the Occupy encampment. But so does the group’s ability to internally adapt, to govern and police the wide array of problems it faces.

Some volunteers, referred to as marshals, are originally trained to guide marches and supervise protests. But as more problems arise, their role changes into something resembling a non-violent security detail. Many of them disappear when the temperature drops and more malcontents arrive. In the third week of October, the hardcore marshals—who camp in the park or live in the area—organize into two groups. The Street Team deals with the homeless and drug users. The Greeting Committee identifies potential troublemakers when they first arrive and explains how things work in the park: no violence. Easier said than done; after all, no one in the 99 percent is excluded. That week, as if on cue, more and more self-proclaimed prophets, meth heads, crack peddlers and alcoholics embed themselves in the camp. Fights start erupting. A late October cold snap is about to break.”

Whereas Paul Gettlich’s approach is narrative and historical, retelling the event of encampment from start to finish, Noah Gataveckas, over at Civilized Discontent, returns to St. James Park six months after the eviction and details, in ideological terms, the city’s official effort to deny the park its history, to re-sod the grass, and to eradicate all traces of the occupation, leaving behind the message that nothing interesting ever happened there.

An excerpt:

“The homeless who filled this park … embodied capitalism’s stain: they gave presence to its contradictions, its inherent failings in a verifiable, concrete way. All someone had to do was take a walk through the park and they would see the 21st century new norm of neo-feudalism: the castles of finance capital had suddenly been surrounded by the lumpen rabble, such that no one could pretend any longer that the good old days of late 20th century capitalism were still in effect. We had entered the Age of Austerity, a retro throwback to the Great Depression. On the outside, people walked around, repressing well and acting like Clinton was still in office or some shit. Meanwhile, inside the perimeter of the zone, souls were getting a sneak peak at what’s to come, which is what has already arrived for millions around the world in the form of new social relations that are bound through the ties of destitution, unemployment, and poverty.”

Both articles are well worth a read. Check out Paul Gettlich’s “Anatomy of an Occupation” over at Maisonneuve, and “Recalling the St. James Occupy at 6 Months” by Noah Gataveckas at Civilized Discontent.

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Emperor Haute Couture by Margaret SutherlandAbove: Emperor Haute Couture by Margaret Sutherland. Oil on Canvas, 60 x 36 inches, 2011.

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More photos after the break.

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Above: Thot Bot.

Blob Ford

Above: Blob Ford.

More photos of Toronto street art and public interventions after the break.

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Above: Protesters barricade the Occupy Toronto Library yurt, protecting the books from potential destruction during an imminent police raid. More photos after the break.

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Above: Photo from the first OccupyTO General Assembly, by flickr user Fifth_Business

Yesterday evening, a loose confederacy of several hundred Torontonians and people from surrounding areas gathered in a small Bloor street park to participate in Occupy Toronto’s second large General Assembly. The meeting drew people of all ages, and although the group is withholding from political debate until the occupation itself (focusing instead on immediate logistical concerns like food, tents, outreach, a website, etc.) attendants seemed to represent a multitude of political beliefs—traditional conservatives, liberals, anarchists, Marxists, libertarians, and those who readily identify with “none of the above” came together to articulate common frustration.

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On Saturday August 27, thousands of left-winged pinkos and apolitical gawkers gathered in downtown Toronto to mourn the loss of Jack Layton, don paper moustaches, and witness the rare spectacle of a state funeral. There were two processions: The state’s official ceremony, steeped in borrowed Royal tradition, lead the way to Roy Thompson hall. Behind it, the people’s procession carried a celebratory and almost carnivalesque atmosphere.

We find in this divisive spectacle two ideologies vying for supremacy.

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Photo by: Andrew Vaughan/THE CANADIAN PRESS

TL;DR Version:
Media pundits are already scrambling to de-politicize Jack Layton’s life and legacy.

Hijacked
by Noah Gataveckas

It is important to remember the past, compare today to yesterday, if one wishes to gain an understanding into any (historical-material) situation. This holds true for the Canadian political landscape.

Various newspapers and ideologues are now posthumously celebrating noble Jack Layton as a hero of humanity, who “More than anything else, stood for Canada”. Yesterday, these same papers otherwise portrayed him as a socialist traitor who had “an almost pathological hostility to the corporate sector [that] would quickly turn Canada into a North American Zimbabwe”. Or: a “champion of elite privilege”. Or: a “Shameless Socialist Opportunist”.

Now that his legacy is up for grabs, Layton is being spun into some kind of watered-down New Liberal. While in the past he was portrayed as the Leftist Enemy (under the spooky banner of ‘socialism’), now he is being sold as a ‘good guy’ with “always a twinkle in his eyes”. The message here is: forget about who he was, what he did, and his politics, celebrate the mere ‘person’ of Jack once he has been abstracted from all the (real, living) political content that made him who he actually was (i.e. what he fought for, what “he gave his life for”). In other words, we are encouraged to celebrate a fiction of Jack Layton instead of his truth.

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Above: George explains how his involvement in the 7-day Peopleforgood challenge has made the world a better place and left him feeling “enlightened”.

On some abstract level, the good people of Peopleforgood.ca are correct; this self-defined “social movement” has identified the problem of ‘too much bad’ in the world and sought to rectify the situation by adding more ‘good’. Calling out to the masses through a massive bi-lingual publicity campaign (including newspaper, public transit, and google ads; billboards; TV and radio spots; and a smart phone app), People for Good aims to mobilize all benevolent Canadians behind the vague moral imperative of ‘good’. Their irrefutable agenda for social progress, delivered from a position of absolute moral authority (‘We are the good’) is outlined on the ‘Manifesto’ page of their website: “We’re People for Good. And our goal is to make the world a better place, one good deed at a time.”

Potential do-gooders are directed to PFG’s user-submitted list of ‘Good Ideas’ while the movement’s most ambitious (and photogenic) moral utopians are invited to participate in the seven-day ‘Good Experiment’ challenge: perform one good deed each day for a week and create a video diary about the experience.

But you won’t find many good ideas in People for Good’s list of ‘Good Ideas’.

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